Though Hungary has missed out on a top European Commissioner job, its government has made clear it is not giving up the fight, with Prime Minister Viktor Orbán again nominating Olivér Várhelyi as EU Commissioner for the Neighborhood and Enlargement portfolio, writes Irakli Machaidze.
Irakli Machaidze is a Georgian political writer, analytical journalist and fellow with Young Voices Europe.
This move signals Orbán’s controversial plans remain unchanged. EU institutions must take action to prevent it.
With the European elections dust fully settled, the real battle in the EU has just begun. Parliament has already re-elected Ursula von der Leyen as the President of the Commission for the next five years, but top jobs in the EU’s executive branches are still up for grabs.
Member states have until August 30 to submit their nominations, followed by individual candidate hearings in the European Parliament. The new Commission is then expected to take office by early November, after Parliament votes to approve collectively the entire Commission.
Choosing new European Commissioners will shape the sectoral development of the bloc. Each country has its interests to pursue. The process of revealing commissioner nominees can be quite revealing about member states’ priorities.
Von der Leyen has the exclusive authority to assign policy portfolios, and shape the executive hierarchy. Most of the member states have already proposed candidates without considering the male-female pairing she requested. If a state renominates a commissioner, they can bypass this requirement. By re-nominating Olivér Várhelyi, Orbán avoids the need to suggest a female candidate for now. But there’s more to his decision than that.
For the past five years, Várhelyi has faced frequent criticism for breaking ranks with the Commission and echoing Orbán’s government. His tenure has been marked by controversies, including; an investigation initiated by members of the European Parliament (MEPs) into potential breaches of the Commission’s code of conduct, a hot mic scandal where he called MEPs “idiots,” and backlash from several member states due to his positions on the Israeli-Hamas conflict, among other issues.
Orbán knows the odds are slim for the same country, let alone the same person, to get the same portfolio again in the Commission. Despite this, he has re-nominated Várhelyi, whose appointment depends on a confirmation hearing at the Parliament. There, Várhelyi will face tough criticism for breaking from the Commission’s official stance, and pushing Orbán’s agenda. Given these challenges, it seems likely that the Hungarian prime minister has a different plan in mind for nominating his man again.
Orbán’s nomination is bound to spark speculation that he’s holding his real pick in reserve as a Plan B, anticipating that Várhelyi’s bid will be rejected by Parliament. Back in 2019, Hungary’s first choice, László Trócsányi, was rejected due to an alleged conflict of interest, paving the way for Várhelyi. Would Orbán really risk another rejection, or is he using this as an opportunity to advance an ulterior agenda?
Other names are in the Hungarian mix, include Enikő Győri, an MEP who has been one of Orbán’s most trusted EU experts, and has served as an ambassador to Italy and Spain.
The issue ,however, might not be about specific names, but instead about power. Orbán likes to dream big, and his top priority would be to secure a crucial portfolio like competition for Hungary. Something which seems unrealistic. But shooting for the moon and landing among the stars is Orbán’s specialty, and this might be part of his strategy once again.
This could also mean the desire of keeping the Neighborhood and Enlargement portfolio in Hungary’s hands, which Orbán has leveraged effectively over the past five years.
Back in 2019, the enlargement portfolio was a powerful tool for extending Hungarian influence in the Balkans. Today, with the landscape shifting, this role is even more crucial.
As Ukraine, Moldova, and other countries prepare to join the bloc, this position will be pivotal. Given Orbán’s knack for manoeuvring between friends and foes, this portfolio could be key in shaping the EU’s future.
Several EU member states have already voiced concerns about Várhelyi or any other Hungarian commissioner, particularly following Orbán’s attempts to block aid to Ukraine, and his threats to delay its accession talks.
Meanwhile, his push for Georgia’s fast-tracked accession is just one example of how Hungary’s handling of EU policy often serves its illiberal agenda. This pattern underscores why such a fragile neighbourhood policy shouldn’t be entrusted to Budapest. Additionally, other member states are eyeing the position for their own candidates.
The European Commission’s enlargement portfolio will be its most desired, and rightfully so. MEPs must be thoroughly critical during the parliamentary hearings, as national governments are unwilling to see Várhelyi, or any other Hungarian, continue in such a crucial role. They should put forward candidates who are clearly preferable over any Hungarian contender.
The Commission has even more power now, especially since Orbán’s Fidesz party is no longer part of the EPP, now aligning with the far-right Patriots for Europe. Centrist parties have created a cordon sanitaire around them, reinforcing the need for a decisive shift. The Commission and von der Leyen must ensure that he doesn’t retain the same leverage to hold the Neighborhood Policy hostage as he has in the past.
[Edited by Rajnish Singh]
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